|
 |
RACHEL'S ENVIRONMENT & HEALTH WEEKLY #567
October 9, 1997
HEADLINES:
THE NATURE OF WORLD WAR III--PART 1
Environmental Research Foundation P.O. Box 5036, Annapolis, MD 21403
Fax (410) 263-8944; Internet: erf@rachel.clark.net
Back issues available here or by E-mail; to get instructions, send
E-mail to INFO@rachel.clark.net with the single word HELP
in the message; back issues also available via ftp from
ftp.std.com/periodicals/rachel and from gopher.std.com.
Permission to repost, reprint or quote is hereby granted.
Subscribe: send E-mail to rachel-weekly-request@world.std.com
with the single word SUBSCRIBE in the message. It's free. |
 |
THE NATURE OF WORLD WAR III--PART 1
The social movement created by U.S. toxics activists began in the
late 1970s with a concern for place. People were fighting to
clean up and protect specific places: their home, their
neighborhood, a valley, a mountainside, a city block, a
community. Specific places were the focus and toxic materials
were the concern.
Over the past 20 years, toxics activists have come to understand
that the problems they face are deeper than just toxic dumping,
as bad as that is. Now people see that toxic wastes are just one
aspect of a larger problem: toxic products, a toxic economy.
Furthermore, toxic chemicals in the economy are just one aspect
of an even deeper problem: the economy is not working for people
or communities and most of the people affected by economic
decisions are no longer participating in those decisions. In
communities, people are realizing that the deepest question of
all is, Who gets to decide?
The economy is not working for most people. Plant closings,
downsizing, wage freezes and give-backs, union busting,
replacement of full-time, permanent jobs by part-time and
temporary jobs without benefits --these are the the result of
decisions that have taken away the economy security of at least
100 million people in the U.S.
Real wages for non-supervisory workers --75% to 80% of all
workers --have been declining since 1972.[1] Measured in
constant (inflation-adjusted) dollars, a full-time worker in 1972
took home $315.44 per week; today that same worker takes home
$255.90 per week,[2] a 19% decline. People are adjusting to this
wage decline by having other members of the household go to work,
working longer hours, taking second and third jobs. Even these
heroic efforts have not turned things around for most families in
the 1990s: in the period 1989 to 1995, median family income
dropped in 5 out of 6 years.[3] The total drop in median family
income since 1989 has been 6%. The reality is unmistakable: the
economy is not working for most people the way it used to.
Meanwhile, inequality is increasing sharply. The rich are getting
much richer and the poor are getting poorer and more numerous. If
you break society into 10 groups, each representing 10%, the
incomes of the richest 10% rose 21% between 1979 and 1987, while
the incomes of the poorest 10% dropped by 12%.[4] Between 1983
and 1992, an astonishing 99% of the increase in the nation's
wealth was awarded to the wealthiest 20% of the people.[5]
In 1949, the richest 1% of the population owned 21% of all
assets; today that richest 1% owns more than 40% of all assets.[6]
Is all this happening because the economy is in a slump? Is
business doing badly? Hardly. During the period 1980-1995
corporate revenues rose 129.5%, corporate profits rose 127%, and
executive pay rose 182%.[7]
Meanwhile the share of the federal tax burden borne by
corporations and the super-rich has been declining, and the share
paid by the middle class has been increasing. In 1950, taxes on
corporate income provided 26.4% of federal tax income. In 1995,
that figure had fallen to 11.6%.[8]
During the same period, the tax burden on individuals has risen.
In 1972, the social security tax, a wage tax, was 4.8%; today it
is 7.65%, a 59% increase.[9] Furthermore, in 1972, the median
sales tax across all the states was 3%; today it is 7%.[10]
Meanwhile the income tax on the rich and super-rich has dropped
dramatically. In 1950 the top income tax was 91%; in 1995, it
was 39.6%.[11]
Because of phenomenal growth in profits in recent decades, many
corporations are now larger than countries. Of the 100 largest
economies in the world, 51 are now corporations and only 49 are
countries. General Motors --the 22nd largest economy in the
world --is larger than Denmark, larger than Thailand, larger than
Hong Kong, larger than Turkey. Ford Motor is larger than South
Africa, larger than Saudi Arabia, larger than Norway. Exxon is
larger than Finland, larger than Poland, larger than Ukraine.
Wal-Mart Stores is larger than Israel, larger than Greece.[12]
As a result of corporate size and wealth, corporate executives
are calling the shots economically and politically in the U.S.
It presently costs anywhere from $1 million to $25 million to run
a successful election campaign for the federal House or
Senate.[See REHW #409, #419, #421.] Such sums of money are only
acquired by appeals to the super-rich and the super-rich, of
course, are tied to corporations. Only 5% of households own 77%
of all corporate stocks.[13] The wealth of corporate executives
and corporate shareholders, and their direct financial support of
political candidates, translate into raw political power. One
result of this power is that Congress, in recent years, has
drastically reduced taxes for the wealthy, and for corporations,
but has increased taxes on the middle class and the working poor.
Furthermore, Congress has embroiled the United States in
so-called "free trade" agreements (NAFTA and GATT) that have
diminished the power of our national government (indeed, all
national governments) to control corporate behavior. In sum,
corporations are increasingly out of control. As Ronnie Dugger
(founder of the Alliance for Democracy[14]) has written,
"We are ruled by Big Business and Big Government as its paid
hireling, and we know it. Corporate money is wrecking popular
government in the United States. The big corporations and the
centimillionaires and billionaires have taken daily control of
our work, our pay, our housing, our health, our pension funds,
our bank and savings deposits, our public lands, our airwaves,
our elections and our very government. It's as if American
democracy has been bombed. Will we be able to recover ourselves
and overcome the bombers? Or will they continue to divide us and
will we continue to divide ourselves, according to our wounds and
our alarms, until they have taken the country away from us for
good?"[15]
These realities have not been lost on toxics activists, who have
come to understand that the dumping of toxic materials into their
communities is part of the toxic economy which is, in turn, part
of the same problem as their community's economic decline, and
that all these problems are related to the nature of
corporations. Corporations cannot care about particular places.
They cannot even care about human health. Nor can they care
about democracy --corporations are among the most authoritarian
and undemocratic organizations ever created. Corporate managers
can only care about short-term financial gain. It is not a
matter of corporations being run by bad people; they are not.
They are run by ordinary people --most of them good-hearted --who
are trapped within the logic of the corporate form. Corporations
must make decisions that will return a profit to investors. That
is all they are set up to do under the law. If they did
otherwise, they would be sued for breach of fiduciary trust by
their shareholders. Until the American people re-assert their
control over corporations and give them a different purpose in
life, corporations will continue to destroy communities and
places, economically and ecologically.
As David Korten has written,
"It is no exaggeration to say that local communities everywhere
are on the front lines of what might well be characterized as
World War III. It is not the nuclear confrontation between east
and west, between the Soviet Union and the United States, that we
once feared. It is a very different kind of conflict. There is
no clash of competing military forces and the struggle is not
defined by national borders. But it does involve an often
violent struggle for control of physical resources and territory
that is destroying lives and communities at every hand. It is a
struggle between the forces and institutions of economic
globalization and communities such as yours that are trying to
reclaim control of their economic lives. It is a contest between
the competing goals of economic growth to maximize profits for
absentee owners versus creating healthy communities that are good
places for people to live. It is a competition for the control
of markets and resources between global corporations and
financial markets, on the one hand, and locally owned businesses
serving local markets, on the other."[16]
Toxics activists now find themselves wanting to think more
broadly than they ever have before. To gain control of toxics in
a particular place, they now know they must think in terms of
asserting their influence over the economy of that place. What
are the components of the local economy? How do we analyze a
place to find out what its resources are --especially its unused
or presently-wasted resources? How do we prevent big, outside
corporations from wrecking locally-owned businesses? How do we
measure well-being so we'll know whether things are getting
better or getting worse? How DO decisions get made in this
place? How DO we control corporate behavior?
All of this is forcing toxics activists to look for allies who
are prepared to help them think about community economic
development and, ultimately, about controlling the behavior of
corporations. Specific allies come to mind: the organization
known as Sustainable America for local and regional-scale
economic development,[17] and the Alliance for Democracy[14] for
controlling corporations.
What also comes to mind is that there are some principles that
have been worked out by toxics activists during the past 20
years, which can provide guidance for ALL activists. These are
principles that can be used in local toxics fights, or can be
used in local economic reconstruction. They can even provide
some guidance as we try to devise ways to control corporate
behavior. More next week.
--Peter Montague
(National Writers Union, UAW Local 1981/AFL-CIO) |
 |
| [1] Ravi Batra, THE GREAT AMERICAN DECEPTION (New York: John
Wiley, 1996). Batra is an economics professor at Southern
Methodist University in Dallas, Texas.
[2] Batra, cited above, Table 2.1, pg. 10, citing ECONOMIC REPORT
OF THE PRESIDENT (Washington, D.C.: The Council of Economic
Advisors, 1996), pg. 330. The figures given are in constant 1982
dollars.
[3] Batra, cited above, Table 10.2, pg. 164, citing ECONOMIC
REPORT OF THE PRESIDENT (Washington, D.C.: The Council of
Economic Advisors, 1996), pg. 314.
[4] Paul Krugman, THE AGE OF DIMINISHED EXPECTATIONS (Cambridge,
Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1992), pg. 20.
[5] Robert B. Reich, U.S. Secretary of Labor, speech entitled,
"The Unfinished Agenda," delivered to the Council on Excellence
in Government, Washington, D.C., January 9, 1997; the data appear
in the "Technical Appendix" to Secretary Reich's speech.
[6] Batra, cited above, pg. 14.
[7] Jan M. Rosen, "Unions Gather Strength But So Do Executives,"
NEW YORK TIMES September 7, 1997, Section 3, pg. 2.
[8] Batra, cited above, Table 4.5, pg. 54, citing the 1987 and
1996 editions of the ECONOMIC REPORT OF THE PRESIDENT.
[9] Batra, cited above, pg. 9, and Table 5.2, pg. 64, and
Appendix A.2, pg. 258.
[10] Batra, cited above, pg. 9.
[11] Batra, cited above, pg. 43.
[12] Ward Morehouse, "Multinational Corporations and Crimes
Against Humanity," in Trent Schroyer, editor, A WORLD THAT WORKS
(New York: Bootstrap Press, 1997), pgs. 49-61. This outstanding
book is available from Intermediate Technology Group of North
America, Suite 3C, 777 United Nations Plaza, New York, NY 10017;
telephone/fax: (800) 316-2739. $19.50 plus $3.50 for shipping.
Data on comparative sizes of economies appear on pg. 51 and are
taken from FORTUNE August 7, 1995, and from the World Bank's 1996
publication, WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT.
[13] David Korten, "Economic Globalization: The War Against
Markets, Democracy, People and Nature," in Trent Schroyer, cited
above, pgs. 229-236.
[14] The Alliance for Democracy is an organization whose members
"are setting forth to reject the economic and political power of
large corporations as illegitimate in a self-governing
democracy." The Alliance can be reached by phone in Cambridge,
Massachusetts: (617) 259-9395, or by E-mail: peoplesall@aol.com.
[15] Ronnie Dugger and Ruth Caplan, "Toward a Global Populist
Movement: Accepting the Challenge of Worldwide Corporate
Domination," in Trent Schroyer, cited above, pgs. 341-351.
[16] David Korten, cited above.
[17] Sustainable America (SA) is a national umbrella organization
of local people and groups who are responding to decline by
organizing locally and coming together nationally to promote
policy alternatives that offer a greater degree of citizen
control, economic stability, prudent use of ecological resources,
and a greater degree of economic equity. SA can be reached by
phone in New York City: (212) 239-4221; of by E-mail:
sustamer@sanetwork.org; web: http://www.sanetwork.org.
Descriptor terms: economy; wages; labor; wealth; inequality;
taxes; taxation; corporations; free trade; nafta; gatt; wto;
ronnie dugger; david korten; alliance for democracy; sustainable
america; democracy; globalization; world war iii; ravi batra; |
 |
NOTICE
Environmental Research Foundation provides this electronic
version of RACHEL'S ENVIRONMENT & HEALTH WEEKLY free of charge
even though it costs our organization considerable time and money
to produce it. We would like to continue to provide this service
free. You could help by making a tax-deductible contribution
(anything you can afford, whether $5.00 or $500.00). Please send
your tax-deductible contribution to: Environmental Research
Foundation, P.O. Box 5036, Annapolis, MD 21403-7036. Please do
not send credit card information via E-mail. For further
information about making tax-deductible contributions to E.R.F.
by credit card please phone us toll free at 1-888-2RACHEL.
--Peter Montague, Editor
| |